NPK-info - Nederlands Palestina Komitee 
11 juli 2003 

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NPK-info - Nederlands Palestina Komitee /



Tip: BelgiŽ2-TV gaat zondag 13 juli vanaf 20 uur over "de apartheidsmuur".



- Stop the Wall!
Lees over arrestatie van vredesactivisten


Farmers face ruin as Israel's fence drives wedge through West Bank


BBC did hold up the mirror of Israel as a nuclear power not willing to subject itself to the nuclear non-proliferation it demands of others.


- Middle East Surprises for America
- BADIL Announcement: Al-MAJDAL Magazine No. 18 (June2003)

- Kamervragen: Ontbrekende steun voor Palestijnse gebieden

Wie verbaast zich nog?

- Connection between Hamas and Israel?

NPK/WL, 11-7-2003 



Middle East Surprises for America
John V. Whitbeck . Special to Arab News
Arab News (Jeddah)
<> The Middle East's Leading English Language Daily

For those formulating American foreign policy and dreaming of remaking the
Middle East in their own image, the region appears to be full of surprises.
The determined resistance of some Iraqis to the Western occupation of their
country seems to have been genuinely unanticipated. It should not have been.
If the United States were conquered and occupied by Arab armies which
announced their intention to stay for years and to restructure the country's
government and economy along Islamic lines, would no Americans resist, not
even "hardcore Bush loyalists" or "Republican Party remnants"?

The legislative elections in Kuwait on July 5, if noticed in America, should
have constituted an even more stunning surprise. Before and after the
conquest of Iraq, proponents of the war evoked the vision of a virtuous
"domino effect" toppling authoritarian regimes in the region and replacing
them with modernizing, Western-oriented "democratic" ones. As a genuine
reason for war, such a democratic mission always lacked credibility with
those who actually live in the region, who recognize that, so long as
America and Israel act like Siamese twins joined at the brain, any
government in the Arab world which actually reflected the will of its people
would be fervently anti-American.

Of course, Americans do like elections - provided that they produce the
"right" result. (Donald Rumsfeld has made clear that an Islamic government
will not be permitted in Iraq even if most of Iraq's people were to favor
one.) However, few believe that the United States would really prefer a
democratically elected government which is anti-American to an authoritarian
regime which is pro-American.

So, what happened in the elections in Kuwait, the most pro-American country
in the Arab world, with the most reason (by far) to be pro-American? The
"liberals", who seek a more open and modern society and had hoped to make
significant gains, were almost wiped out, retaining only three seats (down
from eight) in the 50-seat Parliament. The remaining 47 seats went to
conservatives and Islamists, including radical fundamentalists. The "domino
effect" has not worked out - at least not falling in the "right" direction -
next door to Iraq. What would genuinely fair elections produce in other Arab
countries, whose people are far less pro-American? A quiet burial for the
"democratic mission" can be anticipated.

Another illusion destined to be dispelled soon is that the current "road
 map" for Israel/Palestine will win the United States friends and gratitude
in the Arab world. While the "road map" is widely described as a "peace
 plan", in Arab eyes, "peace" in Israel/Palestine requires ending the
occupation, not crushing all resistance to it, while, in most of the world,
true "peace" is recognized to require some measure of "justice", a word
rigorously avoided by successive American governments in connection with
their successive "peace plans".

If one reads the "road map", it is readily apparent that it builds on a
false premise to reach an unbelievable conclusion. The premise is that the
problem in Israel/Palestine is Palestinian resistance to the 36-year-long
occupation, not the occupation itself. The conclusion is that, IF the
Palestinian leadership will first suppress completely all forms of
resistance to the occupation and eliminate all capabilities for ever
resisting again, thereby making the occupation totally cost-free for
Israelis, THEN (and only then) Israel will choose, of its own free will, to
end the occupation, withdrawing to (essentially) its internationally
recognized pre-1967 borders, vacating the settlements, sharing Jerusalem and
agreeing to a just settlement of the refugee issue.

The Holy Land may, in theory, be a land of miracles, but, even if the "IF"
were possible at the start of the road (which is most unlikely), it is
difficult to believe that anyone in a state of sobriety could genuinely
believe that the "THEN" would follow. (By contrast, if such a destination,
fully consistent with international law, were announced and guaranteed at
the start of the road, as it would be in any peace plan devised with a
sincere intention to achieve peace, there would no longer be any need for

Arabs are not fools. Even if they have not read the "road map", when they
see both George W. Bush and Colin Powell insisting that a total cessation of
Palestinian violence is not good enough and that the Palestinian leadership
must also eliminate any capability for resuming violent resistance in the
future, they can recognize that the true American objective is not "peace",
as they understand the word, but, at best, simply "quiet" - Palestinian
acquiescence in the occupation and acceptance of whatever terms Israel may
wish to impose on a defeated and demoralized people - and, at worst,
provoking a Palestinian civil war.

Such a "peace plan" will win the United States no more friends and gratitude
in the Arab world than American efforts to repress resistance to its own
occupation of a proud Arab country by ever-escalating force, which is
condemned to produce ever-intensifying resistance, which will be met by yet
more brutal force in an infernal cycle which Israelis and Palestinians know
all too well.

Is there any way to prevent an already ugly situation in the Middle East
from degenerating into a long-term war of civilizations? Actually, there is.
In March 2002, the Arab League, in its Beirut Declaration, dramatically
offered full peace and normal diplomatic and economic relations between
Israel and all Arab states in return for a total end to the occupation of
all Arab lands occupied in 1967. The Arab League should formally reaffirm
this offer, while also making clear the "other side of the coin" - that
there will never be peace or normal relations until the occupation ends.

Then, the United States should make clear that what must end - and soon - is
the occupation, not the resistance to it. Of course, for America to do so
would require a virtual "second American declaration of independence".
American politicians would have to put the interests of their own country
and people ahead of the desires of extreme right-wing elements in Israel and
their vocal, intimidating and well-funded supporters in the United States.
Most observers would consider such a revolution inconceivable, but, at least
in theory, it is possible - and it is urgent.

The true "road map" confronting Iraq, Palestine and the region as a whole is
not one of steady progress toward peace, prosperity, Western-style democracy
and increasingly pro-American sentiments. Unless the world focuses soon on
the real problem and its only real solution, and insists on the prompt
implementation of that solution, we are all risking a rapid descent into

(John V. Whitbeck is an international lawyer who writes frequently on the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict.)


----- Original Message -----
From: <>
Sent: Friday, July 04, 2003 12:52 PM
Subject: [Badil-english] BADIL Announcement: Al-MAJDAL Magazine No. 18 (June2003)

> BADIL Resource Center
> For immediate release, 4 July 2003 (E/34/03)
> -------------------------------------
> Available Now at BADIL:
> Issue no. 18 (June 2003)
> BADIL English language quarterly; annual
> subscription fee: US $20; orders to:
> The 46-page June issue of Al-Majdal is entitled
> The editorial discusses the role of
> international law in peacemaking and outlines
> the 'rules of the road' towards a just and
> durable solution of the Palestinian refugee
> question. A summary of the proceedings of the
> BADIL Expert Forum, "The Role of International
> Law and Human Rights in Peacemaking and Crafting
> Durable Solutions for Palestinian Refugees"
> (University of Ghent, 22-23 May) is included in
> the feature/debate section.
> In addition, the June issue of Al-Majdal includes
> Activity Updates, Campaign for Palestinian
> Refugee Rights, among them reports about:
>  - Palestinian Land Day
>  - 55th Anniversary of the Deir Yassin
> Masssacre: Activities in Jerusalem
>  - Palestinian Community Debates and Workshops
> in the West Bank
>  - 55th Anniversary of al-Nakba: Memorial Events
> in Palestine
>  - Release of the BADIL Hebrew-language
> Information Packet/The Right of Return
>  - BADIL Launch of the 2003 - 2004 Expert Forum
> on Palestinian Refugees
>  - Workshop on International Refugee Protection,
> Beirut, 2-3 June (AIDUN-Groups Lebanon and Syria
> and BADIL)
>  - 36th Anniversary of Israel's Occupation of
> the West Bank and Gaza Strip: memorial
> activities of the Israeli initiative Zochrot
> (Remember)
> A guest article, "A Guide for the Perplexed" by
> Laurie King Irani on the Sabra and Shatila Case
> in Belgium.
> Sections dedicated to Refugee Protection and
> Assistance, among them:
>  - a Report from the May 2003 Session of the UN
> Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
>  - "Beer Sheba: The Forgotten Half of
> Palestine," a contribution by Dr. Salman Abu
> Sitta.
> Refugee Voices:
> "The People's Campaign for Peace and Democracy,
> A Clear Call for Waiving the Rights" by Issa
> Qaraq'a, member of the Fatah High Committee and
> Head of the Palestinian Prisoners' Society in
> the West Bank.
> In Memoriam:
> A list of the names of Palestinians killed by
> Israeli military forces (1 April - 1 June 2003).
> Document Section:
> Samples of recent statements issued in Palestine
> on the Nusseibeh-Ayalon initiative.
> Please note: Print copies of this issue will be
> mailed shortly to our subscribers. A PDF version
> of Al-Majdal 18 is published on the BADIL
> website:
> ----------------------------
> Badil-english is a dissemination list of BADIL Resource
> Center. All communication with BADIL should be addressed
> to:
> In order to subscribe to this list, please send an empty
> message to:
> If you wish to un-subscribe, please send an empty message
> to:
> BADIL Resource Center aims to provide a resource pool
> of alternative, critical and progressive information on the
> question of Palestinian refugees in our quest to achieve
> a just and lasting soluton for exiled Palestinians based
> on their right of return.
> PO Box 728, Bethlehem, Palestine;
> Email:;
> Website:;
> Telephone/Fax: 02-2747346
> >From outside of Palestine: 972-2-2747346
> _______________________________________________
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GroenLinks Tweede-Kamerfractie Nieuwsbrief 23 juni 2003 17:10
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Ontbrekende steun voor Palestijnse gebieden
(23 juni 2003)

Schriftelijke vragen van het lid Karimi (GroenLinks) aan de minister voor Ontwikkelingssamenwerking

1. Is het waar dat Nederland al een jaar lang geen gehoor geeft aan de verzoeken van de Verenigde Naties (UNWRA) bij het ledigen van de humanitaire nood in de Bezette Palestijnse Gebieden? Wat is hiervan de reden?

2. Is het waar dat de reden van het uitblijven van het geld vanuit Nederland te maken heeft met de crisissen elders (Afghanistan en Irak) en met de inkrimpende economie? Zijn er nog andere redenen dat Nederlandse steun uitblijft? Zo ja, welke?

3. Deelt u de mening dat het argument 'crisissen elders en de inkrimpende economie' mager is gezien de zeer zorgwekkende humanitaire situatie in met name de Gazastrook?

4. Bent u bekend met de gegevens van de Wereldbank dat 13,3% van de Palestijnen ondervoed is, de gezondheidssituatie in Gaza strook zeer verslechterd is, en de stijging van de werkeloosheid is opgelopen is naar 45%?

5. In hoeverre kan UNWRA haar humanitaire taak nog vervullen als donoren - zoals Nederland - geen bijdragen meer geven voor het noodhulpfonds? Is er al sprake dat UNWRA haar humanitaire verplichtingen niet na kan komen aan de Palestijnse bevolking omdat deze organisatie kampt met een tekort aan donaties?

6. Bent u bereid alsnog de oproep van UNWRA tot honoreren en een bijdrage te storen aan het UNWRA noodhulpfonds? Zo nee, waarom niet? Zo ja, wilt u de Kamer hierover inlichten?


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