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NPK-info 03-01-2005- Nederlands Palestina Komitee /
www.palestina-komitee.nl
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Hierna
- Jayyus calls upon the people of the world
  [24 members EU Election Monitors delegation will be present!!]
- De onderhandelingen hervatten... om wat te doen? 
- Zionism and peace in Palestine
 
    
Call for observers during the Palestinian Elections the 9th of January
En zie
- Overview of Political Significance of Jayyous, Angela Godfrey
  Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions, December 25, 2004
  http://www.palestinemonitor.org/new_web/significance_jayyous.htm
- A parade of charlatans, Hasan Abu Nimah & Ali Abunimah, 29 December 2004
  
http://electronicintifada.net/v2/article3463.shtml
 
Dutch business goes on
- Military trade Philips irresponsible business behaviour
  http://www.antenna.nl/amokmar/PressReleasePhilips.html
- Philips helpt IsraŽl bombarderen
  http://www.antenna.nl/amokmar/art/2004_7Philips.html
- Heineken vergroot belang in IsraŽl
  http://www.nu.nl/news_pda.jsp?n=462506&c=32

NPK/WL, 3-1-2005
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Palestinian Grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign
www.StoptheWall.org

PRESS RELEASE:  December 31, 2004
 
JANUARY 4, 2005: Mobilization in Jayyus against the Destruction of Village Land and the Next Phase of Israelís Colonial Apartheid Policies
 
Contact:       Palestinian Grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign: +972-265-65-890
(Sharif Omar: +972-54-736-9771,  Jamal Jumaí: +972-52-285-610)
Email : jayyus@stopthewall.org, activism@stopthewall.org

jayyus (Qalqiliya district), palestine - The people of Jayyus and the Jayyus popular committee of the Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign are calling for a day of action on January 4, 2005, against the destruction of their land and the next phase of Israelís colonial Apartheid policies. This new phase has been initiated by the construction of new settlements, settlers-only roads, and Israeli industrial zones on Palestinian lands isolated by the Apartheid Wall and is a further proof of Israelís intention to confiscate these lands, ghettoizing the Palestinian population behind the Wall as a permanent border.
 
In Jayyus, on December 10, occupation forces began the construction of Nofei Zufin, a new settlement on isolated village land (which adds to the settlement of Zufin, built on lands appropriated from Jayyus in 1993). Since then, they have already destroyed a wide swath of land and uprooted more than 400 olive trees. If it is completed, this new settlement will definitively lock the people of Jayyus into a sealed Bantustan, deprived of their farmlands, livelihood, and space for future population growth.
 
Against this plan for the total demise of Palestinian life in Jayyus, the village calls upon:
∑        Palestinian presidential candidates to be present on January 4, 2005 in order to support the actions of the people of Jayyus.
∑        Politicians, prominent persons, and nationals from as many countries as possible to come to Jayyus on January 4 in order to adopt a seedling olive tree and plant it in the place where their trees have been uprooted.
∑        All organizations to urge supportive politicians, other prominent persons, and any delegations that will be in Palestine during that period to respond to this call and contact the media immediately.
∑        Ambassadors and international official representatives in Palestine to protest with their governments asking for concrete pressure on Israel to implement the decision of the International Court of Justice and respect international law, and to visit Jayyus lands.
 
The Wall in Jayyus has already isolated approximately 8,600 dunums (2,150 acres) of land Ė some 72% of the villageís lands Ė in addition to destroying another 550 dunums in its path. The Wall has caused the uprooting of thousands of trees. Valuable water resources, olive and citrus groves, and greenhouses are isolated behind the Wall.
 
The situation in Jayyus reflects similar situations throughout Occupied Palestine, where communities already devastated by the first phase of the Wallís construction are now being hit with even greater devastation during its second phase.
 
Today, the Apartheid Wall, with its horrendous effects on Palestinian life, is merging with the longstanding policies of settlement expansion, the creation of Jewish-only infrastructure in the Occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, and industrial zones - Israeli sweatshops for the impoverished Palestinian population - into a comprehensive scheme of colonial domination and conquest.
 
Six months after the International Court of Justice decision calling for the dismantling of the Wall and the payment of reparations, the international community has yet to comply with its obligations to enact the decision by concrete pressure on Israel. The media can play a crucial role in stopping Israeli crimes.
 
Activists and delegations who want to support the people of Jayyus on January 4, as well as members of the media who are interested in covering the January 4 action in Jayyus and the Israeli destruction of Palestinian life more generally, should get in touch with the Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign office. We will be happy to provide further information about Jayyus; to help with press arrangements for the January 4 action; and to set up media interviews with members of the popular committee in Jayyus coordinating the action, and with other members of the community in Jayyus whose lives have been affected by the Wall and by the latest acts of destruction by Occupation Forces.
 
For more information please see:
∑        In Jayyus, Destruction of Land and Uprooting of Trees Lays the Foundation for a New Settlement on Village Land Isolated by the Wall (http://stopthewall.org/latestnews/832.shtml)
∑        Do the Wallís Roots Start to Reveal Themselves?(Abdul-Latif Khaled)( http://stopthewall.org/communityvoices/823.shtml)
∑        Two Years in Jayyus (Photo Story) (http://stopthewall.org/photos/828.shtml)
 
**** www.StoptheWall.org ****

http://www.stopthewall.org/ is the Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaignís main tools of communication with the world.
It gives you regular updates about the Apartheid Wall and the resistance to it on the ground, analysis, personal testimonies, an overview on world wide solidarity actions and a selection of mainstream media articles. The website is already available in English, Arabic, Italian and soon as well in Spanish.
Please visit and let others know about http://www.stopthewall.org/.
If you are running your own website, you can use our syndication tools and link facilities to inform others about our site on your website.
(See: http://stopthewall.org/activistresources/545.shtml  and http://stopthewall.org/activistresources/599.shtml .)
In order to guarantee regular updates you can subscribe to our weekly newsletter on: http://stopthewall.org/activistresources/599.shtml.
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http://www.stopusa.be/scripts/texte.php?section=BR&langue=0&id=23350
 
De onderhandelingen hervatten... om wat te doen?
Luc Vancauwenberge
22-12-2004

GeÔrriteerd verklaarde de Palestijnse minister van Buitenlandse Zaken, SaŽb Erakat onlangs: "Vrede is mogelijk. Je hoeft de bezetting maar te stoppen. Als er niets verandert, dan mag je zelfs Moeder Teresa benoemen tot President van het Palestijns Gezag, Nelson Mandela tot Eerste Minister en Gandhi op mijn post dan nog zullen de IsraŽlische regering en sommige kringen in Washington hen in verband brengen met het terrorisme."1

De Verenigde Staten en de Europese Unie (EU) willen terug naar het routeplan, het vredesplan van mei 2003 dat in de oprichting van een Palestijnse Staat voorziet. Maar welke Staat? Yasser Arafat wilde een Palestijnse Staat aanvaarden met alleen de Bezette Gebieden en Oost-Jeruzalem als hoofdstad (wat slechts 22% van het territorium is van het historische Palestina) en met "een billijke regeling voor de vluchtelingen". Dat was al een zware toegeving. Want resolutie 194 van de UNO verleent alle (4 miljoen) vluchtelingen het recht op onvoorwaardelijke terugkeer.

Voor IsraŽl was die toegeving nog niet genoeg. Tijdens de Top van Camp David in juli 2000, stelden Clinton en de IsraŽlische minister Barak (van de arbeiderspartij), Arafat voor Jeruzalem helemaal op te geven (het zou volledig IsraŽlisch worden), 80 procent van de joodse nederzettingen te behouden en 10.000 vluchtelingen in 10 jaar te laten terugkeren!

Dit voorstel, dat als "uiterst genereus" werd bestempeld, stelde een Palestijnse Staat voor op 81 procent van de Westelijke Jordaanoever, verdeeld in 3 kantons zonder territoriale samenhang.2 Toen Arafat weigerde, stuurde Barak het bericht de wereld in "dat er geen Palestijnse gesprekspartner is".

IsraŽl beslist dan, met de steun van de Verenigde Staten (en de medeplichtigheid van de EU), de Palestijnse weerstand brutaal neer te slaan. Voor Sharon kan een Palestijnse Staat opgericht worden op ongeveer 40 procent van de Westelijke Jordaanoever (wat ruwweg overeenkomt met het tracť van de muur) en in Gaza.3

IsraŽl en de Verenigde Staten hopen dat de verdwijning van Arafat en drie jaar van ongehoorde brutaliteiten het winnen van de Palestijnse weerstand. Maar geen enkel Palestijns leider zal het Palestijnse volk nog meer toegevingen kunnen doen slikken.

Na tientallen jaren van zionistische bezetting, van verzet en van immense offers is het Palestijnse volk niet bereid zijn rechten op te geven. Of zoals de bekende Palestijnse dichter Mahmoud Darwish zegt: "Hij (Arafat) is wel weg, maar wij zeggen geen vaarwel aan het verleden".

1 http://www-cgi.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0411/10/bn.02.html
2 Amnon Kapeliouk "Arafat, l'irrťductible", blz. 426
3 Toespraak van Herzliya, december 2002 ≠ http://www.herzliyaconference.org
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ZIONISM AND PEACE IN PALESTINE

Peaceful co-existence requires respect for and acceptance of the other as an
equal human being with equal human rights.  Zionism is based on ethnic
superiority and complete denial of the other, which leaves no room for peace
with Zionism in Palestine.

From the Zionist perspective, peace meant specifying borders for Israel and
the return of Palestinian refugees to the homes and lands, which were stolen
from them to provide accommodation for alien colonial settlers.  This was
the reason behind the failure of all peace initiatives and efforts made for
over five decades.  The Zionists wanted to buy time in order to expand their
territorial boundaries and to avoid any return of the Palestinian refugees
who were ethnically cleansed from Palestine.

In a speech to the Israeli Knesset on 15 June 1948, Israeli Foreign
Minister, Moshe Sharett (Shertok), refused repatriation of the Palestinian
refugees.  He stated, "A wave of returning refugees might explode the state
from inside."  (Simha Flapan, The Birth of Israel: Myths and Realities.  New
York: 1987, p. 223, citing Record of the Knesset, vol. 1, 1949, session 43)

In a cabinet meeting that was held on 16 June, David Ben-Gurion spoke out
against a return of Arab refugees.  Sharett agreed: "They will not return.
This is our policy, they shall not return." (Michael Palumbo, The
Palestinian Catastrophe: The 1948 Expulsion of a People from their Homeland.
London/Boston: 1987, p. 145)

Ben-Gurion recorded in his war diary, in 1949, that Abba Eban, Israel's
ambassador to the UN, "sees no need to run after peace.  The armistice is
sufficient for us; if we run after peace, the Arabs will demand a price of
us - borders [that is, in terms of territory] or refugees [that is,
repatriation] or both.  Let us wait a few years."  (Benny Morris, The Birth
of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947 - 1949, p. 22, citing quotations in
Shlaim, Collusion Across the Jordan, p. 465 and citing David Ben-Gurion,
Yoman Hamilhama-Tashah [the war diary 1948-9], ed. Gershon Rivlin and
Elhannan Orren, Tel Aviv, 1982, iii, p. 993)

In an effort to bring about a peaceful end to the war in 1948, Count Folke
Bernadotte was appointed by the UN as a mediator between the Arabs and
Israel. He submitted a ninety-page report to the UN Security Council on 16
September 1948. Bernadotte was assassinated in the Jewish part of Jerusalem
on the following day in the Katamon quarter of Jerusalem.  His final
proposals to end the conflict were published on 20 September.

Following Bernadotte's assassination, the UN General Assembly adopted
resolution # 194 on 11 December 1948.  The resolution expressed its "Deep
appreciation of the progress achieved through the good offices of the late
UN Mediator in promoting a peaceful adjustment of the future situation of
Palestine, for which cause he sacrificed his life".  The resolution also
established a Conciliation Commission consisting of the representatives of
the U.S., France, and Turkey to assume the functions given to the UN
Mediator on Palestine and to carry out any other functions and directives
given to it by the General Assembly or by the Security Council.

Peace negotiations held under the patronage of the Palestine Conciliation
Commission were opened in Lausanne, Switzerland on 26 April 1949.

During the PCC discussions in 1949, the Arabs were ready to make peace with
Israel provided the refugees were allowed to return to their homes.  Israel
rejected the offer.  The "return" and "rehabilitation" of the Palestinian
refugees are inconsistent with the Zionist objective of building an
exclusive Jewish State.

The PCC took two steps to try to break the logjam:
1.  Set up a Technical Committee on Refugees to workout measures for
implementation of the provisions of UN resolution # 194.
2.  Called an international conference at Lausanne where, under PCC
chairmanship, the parties could discuss the whole range of issues -
refugees, Jerusalem, borders, recognition - and hammer out a comprehensive
peace settlement.  (Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee
Problem, 1947-1949, Cambridge, 1987, p. 260)

The Lausanne protocol stated that the aim of the conference was to achieve
"as quickly as possible the objectives of the General Assembly resolution #
194 of December 11, 1948, regarding the refugees, respect for their rights,
and the preservation of their property, as well as territorial and other
questions".

Under the threat that the US would prevent Israel's admission to the UN,
Israel finally agreed to attend the conference. The PCC conference was
opened in Lausanne, Switzerland on 26 April 1949.

In his guidelines to the delegation in Lausanne with respect to negotiating
peace, Sharett pointed out that "it behooves us to do so not with haste and
trepidation but by revealing strength and the ability to exist even without
official peace."  According to Sharett, since official peace was not a vital
necessity, Israel had nothing to lose from procrastination.  (Simha Flapan,
The Birth of Israel: Myths and Realities.  New York: 1987, p. 215, citing
ISA 120.02/2447/3 & ISA 93.03/2487/11)

The efforts of the PCC were unsuccessful.  It called for a return of the
refugees to their homes.  Israel simply rejected that.  Palestinian homes
and lands were coveted to settle colonial settlers coming from all corners
of the world.  It also called for the assumption of the functions of
mediation started with Count Bernadotte to arrive at a "final settlement of
questions outstanding between the Governments and authorities concerned".
This meant final boundaries for Israel and peace with its neighbors, which
would have limited its desire for expansion. (For a detailed account on the
PCC conference and the myth of Israel's extended hand for peace, see: Simha
Flapan, The Birth of Israel: Myths and Realities.  New York: 1987, pp.
201-232)

Failure of the PCC to bring about a peaceful resolution to the conflict was
replicated with all other peace initiatives and efforts ever since.

Israeli PM Shamir declared that he wanted the negotiations in Washington,
which followed the Middle East Peace Conference in Madrid on 30 October
1991, to continue for 10 years, if need be, so that he had enough time to
keep on going with planned Israeli settlement in the Occupied Palestinian
Territories (OPT) and leave nothing for the negotiations to talk about.
(Mohammad Hassanein Haikal, Secret Negotiations between the Arabs and
Israel, in Arabic, Cairo, 1996, Volume III, p. 254)

Benjamin Netanyahu was elected as Israel's Prime Minister in May 1996.  On
17 June 1996 Netanyahu's office released a statement outlining his
government's guidelines with regard to the peace process.  It said no to
withdrawal from the OPT, no to a Palestinian State, no to an official
Palestinian presence in Jerusalem, and no to the refugees' right of return
"to any part of the Land of Israel [sic] west of the Jordan River".  (Elia
Zureik, The Palestinian Refugees: Background.  Institute for Palestine
Studies, Washington, 1996.  p. 127)

Dov Weisglass, Sharon's senior adviser and one of the initiators of Sharon's
disengagement plan, was speaking in an interview with Ha'aretz.  According
to Weisglass, "The significance of the disengagement plan is the freezing of
the peace process.  And when you freeze that process, you prevent the
establishment of a Palestinian state, and you prevent a discussion on the
refugees, the borders and Jerusalem. Effectively, this whole package called
the Palestinian state, with all that it entails, has been removed
indefinitely from our agenda".  (Ha'aretz, 6 October 2004)

In his speech at the 5th Herzliya Conference, Sharon put it in unequivocal
words, "The understandings between the U.S. President and me protect Israel'
s most essential interests: first and foremost, not demanding a return to
the '67 borders; allowing Israel to permanently keep large settlement blocs
which have high Israeli populations; and the total refusal of allowing
Palestinian refugees to return to Israel."

After decades of bloodshed, we are still running within a vicious circle.
Zionism and peace in Palestine are irreconcilable.  The road for peace
requires acknowledgement and correction of the wrong done in Palestine,
abandonment of the Zionist myth and acceptance of Palestinian Arabs as equal
human beings with equal human rights.

Nizar Sakhnini, 31 December 2004
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